The overwhelming victory of Mwai
Kibaki in Kenya’s presidential election raises the promise of
dramatic renewal for Kenya, a country that failed to live up to
its potential under his predecessors, Daniel arap Moi and Jomo
Kenyatta. But Kibaki faces the daunting challenge of meeting the
sky-high expectations of most Kenyans who believe that he has the
will and the ability to ameliorate Kenya’s debilitating
economic, social and institutional problems.
The positives of Kibaki’s
victory are significant. Along with Raila Odinga and other
opposition leaders, he melded a multi-ethnic coalition - the
National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) - that decisively voted out the
Kenyan African National Union (KANU) that had ruled alone since
independence in 1963. The conduct of the election was impressive
when compared to previous elections, with violence and killings
dramatically reduced. The NARC won 125 of the 210 elective seats
in the National Assembly, to 64 for KANU.
With the NARC’s crushing
victory over KANU(which was led by Uhuru Kenyatta, son of Kenya’s
first president), Kenyans demonstrated they had had enough of the
oppressive cult of personality Moi encouraged during his
twenty-four year reign. Kibaki and the NARC offer hope that
courageous advocates for political reform, bolstered by sustained
international support, can offer a beacon to others in Africa
seeking to improve the continent’s weak record of democratic
change. Leaders like Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe would do well to
take a lesson from Moi’s orderly – if long overdue –
departure.
Kibaki and his allies campaigned
to limit corruption, provide free primary education and medical
care to all Kenyans, and reform the economy. It is reasonable to
ask how they intend to go about what amounts to a major
restructuring of Kenya. They will have a brief period to begin
major changes before the impossibly high expectations their
victory has engendered begin to turn to complaints and
disillusionment.
Corruption affects every aspect
of commerce and civil society, discouraging badly needed foreign
investment. Institutionally, Kibaki will need to re-establish the
independence of the judiciary and the professionalism of the civil
service.
The state in Kenya is involved
in economic activities best left to the private sector. An
entrenched patronage system has meant that whom you know, or more
likely whom you pay off, is what counts. Tribal affiliations have
counted far more than competence in staffing government offices.
Violent crime affects virtually every Kenyan, and discourages
foreign visitors.
Kibaki has promised to tackle
these entrenched ills, even while providing free primary education
and health care. It is in Kenya’s interest that he make
substantial progress towards these goals and avoid the pitfalls of
his predecessors, as the quality of life will improve measurably
as a result. For example, while removing corrupt KANU officials,
he should resist the temptation to install NARC insiders as the
new favored class in Kenya.
Short-term benchmarks that would
indicate a positive start to restructuring would include (a)
passing anti-corruption legislation soon, specifically the
Economic Crimes and Code of Ethics Bills; (b) achieving a
sovereign debt credit rating through initiatives sponsored by the
U.S. and/or the UN; and (c) appointing honest officials to head
public sector departments and entities.
It is in the international
community’s interest to help Kibaki and his colleagues succeed.
How best might this be done?
Friends of Kenya need to
continue the ‘tough love’ message they gave Moi over the past
decade. Kibaki’s election is a significant step forward, but the
evidence of lasting democratic reform will come when post-election
actions match the election promises. For example, while it will
not be easy to deal with the human rights violations of the Moi
era, the international community can provide useful advice on how
others have handled this delicate issue in a manner that
strengthens national unity while respecting accountability
standards.
Rebuilding Kenya will require
significant financial and technical resources, particularly in the
early years before the economy begins to generate national wealth.
International financial institutions and bilateral aid programs
can provide much needed assistance, with appropriate financial
safeguards. As most foreign assistance has been frozen for five
years, there is a large pot of money that would be available to
reward reform efforts. Kenya could aspire to be an early recipient
of President Bush’s Millennium Challenge Account. This would be
a so-called "Good Housekeeping" seal of approval that
would help encourage foreign investment.
There are numerous business
leaders - Kenyan and non-Kenyan -- in Europe, the U.S. and
elsewhere, who would be willing to assist a genuine reform
administration in an African country. These people might be
willing to combine their altruism with hardheaded business sense
to help Kenya develop a functioning market economy. They may be
able to devise creative ways in which so-called "dirty"
money could be returned to productive use in Kenya. Such an
approach would be novel, but one the Bush Administration should
encourage.