|
The Turkish Constitutional Court reached a decision in the case against the Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party (AKP) on July 30, voting 6-5 in favor of a ban but falling one vote short of the required two vote majority to ban the party and its leaders. The party was charged with being a focus of anti-secular activity, a violation of the Constitution of the Turkish Republic that was written by the military government after the 1982 coup. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk founded the Republic in 1923 with the vision of a secular state where religion wasn’t only separated from the State; it was subordinated to it, relegated to private life. The policies of the AKP brought out the old guard in defense of Ataturk’s ideals, but the court has not banned any of the 71 members of the party charged. Rather, the AKP will lose half of its state funding this year. The outcome is a welcome respite from the growing political uncertainty the country has faced the past year and confirms the strength of Turkish democracy. It is likely that Turkey will continue to modernize its economy and make reforms that will keep it on the path to EU accession. Hopefully, they will continue to play an important role in regional issues as they are in the Israeli-Syrian talks. Within Turkey, however, this affair is indicative of strong social and political divisions that could continue to affect the country as the AKP pursues its modernizing agenda.
AKP essentially unscathed in closure case
The indictment was levied against the AKP on the grounds that it was a focus of anti-secular activity in violation of the principles of the Republic’s Constitution. It was the latest development in the struggle between the hard-line secular Kemalists - mainly elite judges, generals and academics - and the coalition of religious conservatives and pro-business liberals that support the AKP. The military and judiciary have deposed 4 elected governments since 1950 and banned 24 parties. Unlike previous battles between the secular establishment and the forces of change, the AKP may have emerged from this affair strengthened, as it just received a slap on the wrist. This is indicative of a leveling balance of power, a step forward from the hegemony that the military has enjoyed since the days of Ataturk.
Ataturk fathered secular establishment, now outdated
In 1923, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk created the Turkish Rebublic from the remnants of the Ottoman Empire. He pushed radical reforms that sought to create an entirely new Turkish identity as they shut down religious orders and Islamic courts, removed the caliphate, ended religious instruction in schools, replaced the Ottoman script with a version of the Latinate, rewrote Turkish law in favor of Western models and obliged Turkish citizens to adopt Western dress. Religion was not only separated, but subordinated to the State. The Turkish military became an elite, Westernized, immensely powerful institution that regards itself to this day as the guardian of Ataturk’s legacy of secularism. It has perpetuated Ataturk’s traditions through control of the military, schools, courts and the state bureaucracy, creating the deep state that plagues Turkish politics today. It is widely believed that the court took the case at the behest of the military. AKP supporters, 47% of voters in 2007, find Ataturk’s system outdated and subversive to true democracy.
Many feared single party rule by AKP
Secularists’ anxieties about growing political Islam are not unjustified. As vehemently as they object to being labeled an Islamist party, AKP leaders have roots in the Islamist parties of Erbakan, who essentially founded Turkish political Islam in the 1970’s. A slowing economy and the public’s discontent with old parties’ mismanagement and corruption precipitated a landslide victory for the AKP in 2002. From 2002 to 2007, the party implemented progressive reforms for civil liberties, equal rights, and economic liberalization, all of which brightened Turkey’s EU accession prospects. They effectively captured single-party rule when their sustained public support got them 47% of votes in the July 2007 Parliamentary election. Abdullah Gul’s subsequent election to the presidency, an important symbolic post for the secular republic, incited uproar among secularists because of his roots in political Islam, as does his wife’s choice to wear a headscarf in public. Many feared that the AKP’s control of the Presidency, Parliament and government could allow it to implement policies that appeal to its socially conservative supporters and adopt a laissez faire policy toward local anti-secular activities such as restrictions on alcohol.
AKP has shown signs of pursuing "Islamic populism"
Following the 2007 elections, the AKP has pursued a more state-oriented agenda that critics have described as Islamic populism. Support for the party waned and opposition peaked as the party denied all allegations of anti-secular activity without ever opening debates. Secularists were shocked when the AKP lifted the ban on headscarves at universities; thousands of Turks gathered in protest around Ataturk’s mausoleum. Some feel that Prime Minister Erdogan and the AKP’s policies are a movement toward a more democratic, liberal society that can accept religiosity. Others feel that allowing Islam into the public realm is a pretext for the forced expression of Islam and adherence to shari’a law, which would constitute a religious retrenchment that could be as subversive to the country’s well-being and progress as a military coup. The party has also raised eyebrows with its control of the media, a tool that gave them a leg up on the opposition for a long time but has become the subject of much speculation.
AKP too good to let go, for now
That being the case, both sides seem content with the Constitutional Court’s ruling. Onur Oymen, deputy chairman of the Republican Peoples’ Party (CHP), expressed satisfaction with the Court’s censure of the AKP. He doesn’t believe the AKP can carry out an Islamist agenda now that it is being carefully monitored. A ban could have been beneficial for his Party, but opposition leaders like Oymen are glad that the AKP has been moderated without causing major instability in the country. The ‘judicial coup’ considered would have been a huge setback and caused massive capital flight. Regardless of its Islamist roots, the AKP has done well for the country. Erdogan’s charismatic leadership has been a major factor in Turkey’s increased international success, illustrated by its role in current negotiations in the Middle East and their ongoing accession negotiations with the EU. The AKP has been highly effective domestically with continued economic growth. There have been virtually no resignations during this trying time for the party, a sign of strong internal cohesion that really distinguishes the AKP from other parties. Indeed, they are no easy target for their opposition.
With Erdogan’s government intact, the AKP will be watched very closely and have to tread lightly on religious issues. The cut in their state funding should not be a large impediment because they can expect their Anatolian business elite supporters to fill the funding gap. First and foremost, the AKP should follow through with revising the Constitution. This will bring greater transparency to their governance, ease the secularists’ fears, and bring them closer to EU accession. The closure case, along with the indictments against 86 suspected radical Kemalists – mainly anti-AKP generals, politicians, journalists, and academics – in the Ergenekon case, has stirred centrist forces. It is evident now that the only way to challenge the AKP’s single-party rule, which enables them to pursue political Islam, is the ballot box. This speaks well for Turkey’s democracy. The opposition needs to focus on rejuvenating itself, much as the AKP has done, so that it can be effective within the Turkish democratic structure.
Henry Kegan was a Summer Associate at The Forum for International Policy in 2008. Mr. Kegan is currently a senior at Sewanee University, majoring in English.
|